AnaSayfa
DalayLama
 Tibet

11 Aralýk 1989 - 14. Dalay Lama'nýn Nobel Barýþ Ödülü Konuþmasý'nýn Devamý
As you know, Tibet has, for forty years, been under foreign occupation.  Today, more than a quarter of a million Chinese troops are stationed in Tibet.  Some sources estimate the occupation army to be twice this strength.  During this time, Tibetans have been deprived of their most basic human rights, including the right to life, movement, speech, worship, only to mention a few.  More than one sixth of Tibetís population of six million died as a direct result of the Chinese invasion and occupation.  Even before the Cultural Revolution started, many of TibetÌs monasteries, temples and historic buildings were destroyed.  Almost everything that remained was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution.  I do not wish to dwell on this point, which is well documented.  What is important to realize, however, is that despite the limited freedom granted after 1979 to rebuild parts of some monasteries, and other such tokens of liberalization, the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people are still today being systematically violated.  In recent months this bad situation has become even worse.

If it were not for our community in exile, so generously sheltered and supported by the Government and people of India, and helped by organizations and individuals from many parts of the world, our nation would today be little more than a shattered remnant of a people.  Our culture, religion and national identity would have been effectively eliminated.  As it is, we have built schools and monasteries in exile and have created democratic institutions to serve our people and preserve the seeds of our civilization.  With this experience, we intend to implement full democracy in a future free Tibet.  Thus, as we develop our community in exile on modern lines, we also cherish and preserve our own identity and culture and bring hope to millions of our countrymen and women in Tibet.

The issue of most urgent concern at this time is the massive influx of Chinese settlers into Tibet.  Although in the first decades of occupation a considerable number of Chinese were transferred into the eastern parts of Tibet  in the Tibetan provinces of Amdo (Chinghai) and Kham (most of which has been annexed by neighboring Chinese provinces)  since 1983 an unprecedented number of Chinese have been encouraged by their government to migrate to all parts of Tibet, including central and western Tibet (which the PRC refers to as the so-called Tibet Autonomous Region).  Tibetans are rapidly being reduced to an insignificant minority in their own country.  This development, which threatens the very survival of the Tibetan nation, its culture and spiritual heritage, can still be stopped and reversed.  But this must be done now, before it is too late.

The new cycle of protest and violent repression, which started in Tibet in September of 1987 and culminated in the imposition of martial law in the capital, Lhasa, in March of this year, was in large part a reaction to this tremendous Chinese influx.  Information reaching us in exile indicates that the protest marches and other peaceful forms of protest are continuing in Lhasa and a number of other places in Tibet, despite the severe punishment and inhumane treatment given to Tibetans detained for expressing their grievances.  The number of Tibetans killed by security forces during the protests in March, and of those who dies in detention afterwards, is not known but is believed to me more than two hundred.  Thousands have been detained or arrested and imprisoned, and torture is commonplace.

It was against this background of this worsening situation, and in order to prevent further bloodshed, that I proposed what is generally referred to as the Five Point Peace Plan for the restoration of peace and human rights in Tibet.  I elaborated on the plan in a speech in Strasbourg last year.  I believe the plan provides a reasonable and realistic framework for negotiations with the PeopleÌs Republic of China.  So far, however, ChinaÌs leaders have been unwilling to respond constructively.  The brutal suppression of the Chinese democracy movement in June of this year, however, reinforced my view that any settlement of the Tibetan question will only be meaningful if it is supported by adequate international guarantees.

The Five Point Peace Plan addresses the principal and interrelated issues which I referred to in the first part of this lecture.  It calls for (1) Transformation of the whole of Tibet, including the eastern provinces of Kham and Amdo, into a Zone of Ahimsa (non-violence); (2) Abandonment of ChinaÌs population transfer policy; (3) Respect for the Tibetan peopleÌs fundamental human rights and democratic freedoms; (4) Restoration and protection of TibetÌs natural environment; and (5) Commencement of earnest negotiations on the future status of Tibet and of relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.  In the Strasbourg address I proposed that Tibet become a fully self-governing democratic political entity.

I would like to take this opportunity to explain the Zone of Ahimsa or peace sanctuary concept, which is the central element of the Five Point Peace Plan.  I am convinced that it is of great importance not only for Tibet, but for peace and stability in Asia.

It is my dream that the entire Tibetan plateau should become a free refuge where humanity and nature can live in peace and in harmonious balance.  It would be a place where people from all over the world could come to seek the true meaning of peace within themselves, away from the tensions and pressures of much of the rest of the world.  Tibet could indeed become a creative centre for the promotion and development of peace.
 
 

The following are key elements of the proposed Zone of Ahimsa:

> The entire Tibetan plateau would be demilitarized;
> The manufacture, testing, and stockpiling of nuclear weapons and other armaments on the Tibetan plateau would be prohibited;
> The Tibetan plateau would be transformed into the worldÌs largest natural park or biosphere.  Strict laws would be enforced to protect wildlife and plant life; the exploitation of natural resources would be carefully regulated so as not to damage relevant ecosystems; and a policy of sustainable development would be adopted in populated areas;
> The manufacture and use of nuclear power and other technologies which produce hazardous waste would be prohibited;
> National resources and policy would be directed towards the active promotion of peace and environmental protection.  Organizations dedicated to the furtherance of peace and to the protection of all forms of life would find a hospitable home in Tibet;
> The establishment of international and regional organizations for the promotion and protection of human rights would be encouraged in Tibet. 
 

TibetÌs altitude and size (the size of the European Community), as well as its unique history and profound spiritual heritage make it ideally suited to fulfill the role of a sanctuary of peace in the strategic heart of Asia.  It would also be in keeping with TibetÌs historical role as a peaceful Buddhist nation and buffer region separating the Asian continentÌs great and often rival powers.

In order to reduce existing tensions in Asia, the President of the Soviet Union, Mr. Gorbachev, proposed the demilitarization of Soviet-Chinese borders and their transformation into Ïa frontier of peace and good-neighborliness.Ó  The Nepal government had earlier proposed that the Himalayan country of Nepal, bordering on Tibet, should become a zone of peace, although that proposal did not include demilitarization of the country.

For the stability and peace of Asia, it is essential to create peace zones to separate the continentÌs biggest powers and potential adversaries.  President GorbachevÌs proposal, which also included a complete Soviet troop withdrawal from Mongolia, would help to reduce tension and the potential for confrontation between the Soviet Union and China.  A true peace zone must, clearly, also be created to separate the worldÌs two most populous states, China and India.

The establishment of the Zone of Ahimsa would require the withdrawal of troops and military installations from Tibet, which would enable India and Nepal also to withdraw troops and military installations from the Himalayan regions bordering Tibet.  This would have to be achieved by international agreements.  It would be in the best interest of all states of Asia, particularly China and India, as it would enhance their security, while reducing the economic burden of maintaining high troop concentrations in remote areas.

Tibet would not be the first strategic area to be demilitarized.  Parts of the Sinai Peninsula, the Egyptian territory separating Israel and Egypt, have been demilitarized for some time.  Of course, Costa Rica is the best example of an entirely demilitarized country.

Tibet would also not be the first area to be turned into a  natural preserve or biosphere.  Many parks have been created throughout the world.  Some very strategic areas have been turned into natural Ïpeace parks.Ó  Two examples are the La Amistad Park, on the Costa Rica-Panama border and the SiAPaZ project on the Costa Rica-Nicaragua border.

When I visited Costa Rica earlier this year, I saw how a country can develop successfully without an army, to become a stable democracy committed to peace and the protection of the natural environment.  This confirmed my belief that my vision of Tibet in the future is a realistic plan, not merely a dream.

Let me end with a personal note of thanks to all of you and our friends who are not here today.  The concern and support which you have expressed for the plight of the Tibetans has touched us all greatly, and continues to give us courage to struggle for freedom and justice; not through the use of arms, but with the powerful weapons of truth and determination.  I know that I speak on behalf of all the people of Tibet when I thank you and ask you not to forget Tibet at this critical time in our countryÌs history.  We too hope to contribute to the development of a more peaceful, more humane and more beautiful world.  A future free Tibet will seek to help those in need throughout the world, to protect nature, and to promote peace.  I believe that our Tibetan ability to combine spiritual qualities with a realistic and practical attitude enables us to make a special contribution, in however modest a way.  This is my hope and prayer.

In conclusion, let me share with you a short prayer which gives me great inspiration and determination:
 
 

For as long as space endure,

And for as long as living beings remain,

Until then may I, too, abide

To dispel the misery of the world.
 
 

Thank you

DalayLama
 Tibet
AnaSayfa